Batalanda Torture Camp & Investigative Journalism

It was in early 1988 that we first became suspicious of the torture chambers at the Batalanda housing scheme. We got this surprising tip during a conversation with K.L. Dharmasiri in front of the Colombo Public Library. At that time, he was the leader of the Independent Students' Union of the University of Colombo. The friendship we developed while Dharmasiri was an activist of the Socialist (JVP) Students' Union lasted till his death. His leader was Daya Pathirana, who was killed. In this meeting, Dharmasiri expressed to us that he is ready to join hands with any kind of enemy to take 'blood to blood' in return for Daya's death. Dharmasiri's studentship was banned for some time due to the student uprising. Dharmasiri's enemies at that time were Education Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the Professor Stanley Wijesundaraya of Vice-Chancellor of the University of Colombo. However, in this short meeting, he gave us a very important clue. That is, about taking weapons from the government and dealings with Ranil Wickremesinghe. The feeling we had to investigate the political crimes committed by Ranil grew more with the information Dharmasiri told. There the Batalanda entered our memory quickly because we knew the area very well. As we moved from political newspapers to alternative papers, the memory of 'Batalanda' also moved into the future.

During the 1988/89 era, government forces and police were running torture camps. Also, there were private abattoirs run by the ruling United National Party leaders in their respective districts. In 1989, a teacher, who friend of ours was working in a school in Bibile. Minister Dharmadasa Banda, who was the UNP leader in Monaragala at that time, learned about a torture camp that was run in Bibile - Medagama.  We also saw the bodies of youths who had been killed in this torture chamber of Bibila. Why were we young people of that era particularly interested in the torture chambers that were only in one district (Gampaha) in a country that had many torture centers? You can understand it in the way the legacy of traditional political families in Sri Lanka has passed. This is a country where party leadership and political positions are inherited from father to son, mother to daughter, and uncle to son-in-law. Accordingly, we had no doubt that Ranil Wickremesinghe will be the leader of the UNP in the near future.

In 1977, Ranil was given the post of Deputy Foreign Minister by Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene, as soon as he came to Parliament from Biyagama Constituency as a new Member of Parliament. J.R. Jayewardene immediately after assuming the post of Executive President in 1978 gave the title of Minister of 'Youth Affairs and Employment' to his son-in-law Ranil. In 1988, when Ranasinghe Premadasa became President, Ranil was given the title of Minister of Industry and Science. After the assassination of President Premadasa in 1993, Ranil became the Prime Minister. This political rise of the political heir of the Wickremesinghe - Wijewardena - Jayawardena family did not surprise us. When he held the position of Employment Minister, he followed a strict policy of not giving government jobs to anyone who did not have a letter from the UNP councilor of the province. When he was the education minister, he even ordered a graduate who applied for a graduate teacher appointment to bring a letter from the provincial, UNP councilor. There was only one measure to prevent such an evil politician from becoming the future leader of the country. It is to inform the people of the country about his criminal history. To add those crimes to history.

But we had to wait so many years for that. The village name 'Batalanda' was added to the political history of modern Sri Lanka due to the use of the government-owned housing scheme in this area as the headquarters of the crimes committed in one era. During the 1988/89 revolt season, the crimes committed in this housing scheme, which was known as the 'Batalanda Torture chambers', ended in late 1990. However, it remained a no-go area for outsiders until the end of 1994. An investigation team attached to the Ravaya newspaper visited Batalanda in January 1995. The story of the 'Batalanda Torture chambers' which was run in the housing complex where the then opposition leader and the current President of the country, Ranil Wickremasinghe lived, attracted national and international attention when the newspaper 'Ravaya' published the report of its investigators. The basic foundation for it was formed in this way.

At the end of 1994, seventeen years (17) of the UNP rule ended. Under the people's alliance party government, a certain amount of media freedom was opening up. Around this time, our purpose to investigate the 'Batalanda Torture chambers' resurfaced. At that time, the Batalanda housing complex was a semi-military base. It had become a safer place than before. It is very difficult for a reporter of an alternative newspaper like 'Ravaya' to enter it indeed. At that time, the chief editor of 'Ravaya' Victor Ivan (Ivan - Podi Athula) was a close friend of President Chandrika (Kumaratunga). He advised us to write reports to get the country on the right track through the people's alliance party government. Using this golden opportunity, we sought permission from 'Ravaya' to write about the closed 'Urea Factory' in Sapugaskanda. The editor showed great interest in finding the fate of that proposal, which was second only to the Mahaweli scheme. As the factory was a legitimate industrial child of the United Front (Samagi Peramuna) (1070 - 1977), Victor Ivan encouraged the expedition team. But our intention was to find out about the torture chamber at Batalanda. 'Urea Factory' can be accessed by using Ravaya Media ID card. But the Ravaya ID card cannot be used to enter the housing complex where the army is stationed. Then, the strategy we used for that was to involve the 'Presidential Media Unit' in this. Wasantha (Kulathunga) was the chief producer of the Presidential Media Unit at that time. He was a close friend of ours which made the task easier.

We used a day in January 1995 for this unforgettable tour. A government vehicle was provided for the trip to Sapugaskanda and a video team also joined us. First, we went to see the 'Urea factory' and even then, the factory had been completely removed by an Indian company. All we could see was a huge crane. The guards there did not allow us to enter the yard. Instead, they gave us the telephone number of Ashoka (Senanayake - grandson of former Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake) who was already the boss there. When we called that phone, Ashoka answered it directly.

‘…Although the government has changed, but the industrial side has not changed... If you get permission from the Minister of Industry, you can see it. There is no factory there now anyway. So, go back now...’

The prime minister's grandson said with great pride, channeling the political heat. Now we have to work on the hidden plan. Thus, Ashoka Senanayake made it easy. Accordingly, we suggested the group visit the 'Batalanda Fertilizer Houses. The president's video team was quite angry because of the insult. Consequently, our proposal was easily approved and went straight to the apartment complex. Though, we were stopped at the entry checkpoint. The team directed us to the head of the military camp. Now let's had to find a strong reason to enter a military base. God of wisdom came to us. Now the identity cards of the President's Office are being forwarded, not the 'Ravaya' ID cards.

‘…we had come to find out who are the civilians living inside this military camp. The President wants to remove the civilians who have settled here and turn it into a military base. So, help us identify the houses belonging to the army…'

Actually, the trained military officer there was more helpful than we thought. It seemed to us that he was saved by a bunch of political henchmen and a police gang among them.

‘…yes, it is very annoying... too much trouble for us to duty here. 24 hours a day many people come and go in different vehicles. Truly, it's no match for an army camp, this is a very good job...'

We saw the danger of going unarmed into houses occupied by the police killing gangs. We only had notes, carbon pens, and two cameras on our hands. What kind of security is that? Fortunately, God of wisdom again came to our support.

‘… make this work easier, give us military support, please... Give us two soldiers to show us the houses belonging to the army. If that happens, we will be able to make up our report soon.'

From there, we walked around the fertilizer compound, guarded by two armed soldiers. As we were going from door to door looking for torture chambers, a healthy-looking owner in shorts and a shirt came out of a luxurious house in the middle of a small zoo.

‘Are you all walking around looking for torture chambers?'

It was Douglas Peiris, the leader of the torturers. He said it as if he already knew that his crimes would follow him back. It was also recorded on our video camera. We had met the Senior Superintendent of Police Peiris earlier. That was when he went to the Eastern Province to observe the 1994 General Election (read the book 'Batalande Vadhakaya' for the full description). We consoled him and did our duty.

In January 1995, the investigative report on the 'Sapugaskanda Torture of Pure Gentlemen' (Pirisidu Mahathwarunge Sapugaskanda Wadhakagaraya) was published in the 'Ravaya Newspaper. It didn't just end with the only a publication of 'Ravaya' as a journalistic investigative report. After it was published, President Chandrika Kumaratunga (1994-2005) appointed a Presidential Commission in 1996 to look into this matter properly.

Reading this report, you will surely understand that this commission consists of two Supreme Court judges, and it is a 'full power' presidential commission, but they have fully fulfilled the responsibility assigned to them. But in fact, Chandrika did not implement any of the recommendations of this commission. That's because when she ran for the presidency for the second time in 1999, she wanted a weak opponent. But in the recent history of this country, the only and last state or presidential commission appointed to investigate the crimes committed through the intervention of a political leader is the 'Batalanda Commission.'

Many things have been revealed very well in this commission report. The relationships that a young politician who was aspiring to be the future leader of the country had with notorious criminals, the way he protected criminals, the way he used high police officers to maintain law and order, and military officers in charge of national security to hunting down his political enemies. According to the testimony given before the 'Victims of Batalanda Commission’, this 'torture house' is a strange place. There you will meet Deputy Inspector Generals of Sri Lanka Police and Senior Superintendents of Police under one roof. Not only that, along with the police constables, Sunil Perera (Gonawala Sunil), Soththi Upali, and Uragasmansandiye Shashendra, were famous criminals in the country. Also here is Ranil Wickramasinghe, the Minister of Education, Employment, and Youth Affairs of the country at that time…! He served as a minister by building torture chambers for the youth of the country. Moreover, what you will not see even in a horror film made in Hollywood will be heard in the Batalanda Commission. The way they clearly used the police and criminals to kill fellow police officers.

According to the testimony of Sub-Inspector Ajith Jayasinghe, who was the main witness of the commission, Shashendra, who was a known criminal, was one of the members of the murderous police gang of Douglas Peiris who came to kidnap him. Another powerful witness of the commission, Reginald Sylvester, Vincent Fernando is mysteriously killed while the commission's testimony is in progress. That was when Ranil Wickremasinghe was the leader of the opposition. The Commission made confidential the testimony of this young Vincent, whom Ranil had forcibly had a sexual partner with. We believe that this is why he was not lucky enough to live his life anymore.

Reading the Batalanda Commission report, you will find hundreds of pieces of information to start the media's examination for more unsolved mystery murders. We believe that the next generation will carry forward the duty that we could not do. We should choose ‘challenging investigative journalism' instead of 'investigative journalism' which currently exists in the country, where we write information from government officials over the phone and report information obtained from competitive contractors. Sri Lanka's national media, which is under the control of a few families engaged in business and political 'industry', has no desire to expose political crimes. But when we look at the current electronic devices and social media, we should not be afraid of this political-business class and the power of the national media indeed. Luckily, researching and reporting that information has now become easier than before.

On the other hand, we had a long history with Batalanda village in Sapugaskanda. We first went to that village in the middle of 1984. In July 1983, Jayawardena's government banned five other left-wing political parties, including the Janata Vimukti Peramuna. Being the Publicity Secretary of Galle District (North) at that time, we had to come to Colombo for our life safety. Our first accommodation was at a close relative's house in Rawathawatte, Moratuwa. Meanwhile, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) found our place of residence through a strategy and soon later we were forced to find new accommodation to avoid arrest. There an old political friend Saman (Vaidyanatha) came to our support. At that time, he left politics and was working at the Sapugaskanda oil refinery. He lived in a house on Saliya road (Saliya Mawatha) in Batalanda that belonged to his own brother. We also got shelter from that house. Batalanda village is as close as our native village with this arrival. But the 'Batalanda Fertilizer Corporation housing complex' was strange to us.

Until mid-1985, we lived there secretly engaging in politics. This attachment to Batalanda spread into a strong love with a girl from the same village (Renuka Gunathilaka). We met a new set of political friends in 1986 when we joined 'Kamkaru Mawatha' (then 'Revolutionary Communist Union' now 'Socialist Equality Party') full-time. One of its companions was Para (Parakrama Kuruppu) an engineer by profession, who worked in the Sapugaskanda Urea Factory. He had an official residence in Batalanda's fertilizer housing complex. Our political friendship was also invited to his official residence. That's how this apartment complex came close to our everyday lives. Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was escorted by security guards since then, was often seen in the luxury housing class reserved for foreign engineers in this housing complex. His main political office in Byagama Constituency was also in this related house.

When we left Sapugaskanda in 1989, Saman, who had initially sheltered us, was facing death threats. It was because of the assassination gang kidnapping of Baddegama, Dodangoda, Heme (Hemachandra Danangoda) Douglas Peiris, an old political friend of both of us. Saman received death threats when Heme was kidnapped while riding Saman's motorcycle in front of the Peliyagoda Police. Heme, a poor father of six children, did not engage in JVP politics after JVP was banned. He was supporting his family as a trader. His assassins come to broker a trade with an old friend, Sashendra (Sashendra of Sudu Hakuru Heva of Urugasmansandi - read the testimony of Sub Inspector Ajith Jayasinghe in this report.) When they find the money for that purpose, this murder gang kidnaps Heme along with the money and the motorcycle.

We got a piece of new information from this news. Ranjith (Peiris - former JVP central committee member and Ampara district secretary who joined the army to suppress JVP) as well as Sashendra were in a murder gang. He managed to hide when the killing gang came looking for Saman through the motorcycle. He later fled to Japan. Heme was brought to Batalanda from Peliyagoda and disappeared forever. Heme’s abduction and murder were just one more brutal crime that took place in the Batalanda torture chamber. Essentially, these personal obligations may also have forced us to look for the torture chambers in the Batalanda Fertilizer Housing Complex we visited.

Why should you read the Batalanda Commission report very closely? Truly you are at a crucial stage in Sri Lanka's history. It must be said that our country is now politically anarchic. Also, economically bankrupt. Ranil Wickremesinghe is the executive president of such a country. What is the biggest danger of him being the country's head of state? It is because he did not get this powerful title by popular vote. Looking at his political history, we find him more cynical than his close political relative, Jayewardene. Ranil was the second person who received this title without the will of the people. The first was D.B. Wijethunga. We are confident that Ranil will not behave like Wijethunga (1993-1994), who came to power after the death of President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The way Ranil has been ruling the country for the past 10 months shows that he is either mentally ill. Or maybe someone is in a mental state like 'autism' that doesn't know other people's feelings.

Such a relative was important to the Wijewardena-Wickremasinghe-Jayawardena family, who led Sri Lanka's politics since the colonial era, but a country like this has no use for such a patient. There are two serious dangers of Ranil being the country's leader at this moment. The first of which is that he blatantly violated the democratic rights of the people and made the country a lake of blood for the remaining two and a half years in power as brutal repression. Second, Ranil is likely to be the candidate of the UNP-Rajapaksa political coalition in the next presidential election. If so, we will be dragged into the reign of his uncle Jayewardene (1977 - 1988). No one can afford to relive such an era that fueled communal riots, led to civil war, postponed elections, and subjected the country to mob rule.

The Batalanda Commission investigated only one of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s political crimes. It is only to run the Sapugaskanda and Batalanda torture centers. Apart from being the Prime Minister of the country six times, he held more than half a dozen posts of Minister of Education, Youth Affairs, Employment, and Industry. More than 100,000 Sinhala-Tamil youths were sent to the rake while he was holding this position. There was never any accountability for them. We are paying not only our youth, and middle age but also old age under these blood-stained regimes. It should not be passed on to the next generations indeed.

What is the irony of political history? Formerly a prison, the Batalanda Government fertilizer housing complex is now an army staff training college. The leader of that torture complex is today the most powerful person in the country or the executive president. Chandrika Kumaratunga, who appointed a presidential commission to look into the Batalanda torture chamber, is now in retirement after holding the office of the country's executive president twice. Apart from this, she is providing political advice for the future of the country...! The police and military chiefs who were there are also enjoying the relevant promotions and receiving government pensions. Also, during the Jayewardene-Premadasa era of the UNP, when the court fined these officials for violating human rights, they were paid with public money. Most of the criminals who were there then are no longer alive. But more than 5000 victims of Batalanda, who never got justice, were burnt on the tires. The rest have paid the demanded ransom and saved their lives and gone into hiding.

There is a reason why we decided to reprint this report, copies of which are now rare. It is to inform the oppressed people of this country about the impending terrible political risk. Ranil Wickremesinghe of the UNP, who was defeated twice (1999 and 2005 presidential elections) by his own political criminal history, failed in his attempts to achieve his evil political goals by fielding hired horses (Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena) in 2010 and 2015 presidential elections. His political defeat will 'climax' in the 2021 general elections. Here, the UNP led by him could not win even a single seat. He comes to Parliament with the fortune of a 'bonus' MP.

But in 2022, a massive public struggle movement broke out that did not tolerate the political and economic crimes of the Rajapaksa brother company. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has been occupying 'one seat' in the Parliament, is being named as their successor by the group of political hoodlums who are going to waste, with the support of the international powers. He is now looking to be the executive of the country without being answerable to anyone. And also, he is engaging in political crimes again and again. As in the past, the first victim is the youth of the country. Especially the university student community.

Those of you who want prosperity in this country in the future should take a short political break now certainly. It is not for any other. Read this 'Batalanda Commission Report' with peace of mind. You have to absorb it. To equip ourselves with the necessary knowledge to prevent the political crimes of the past from happening again in this country. It is to be used to educate your ignorant fellow people. The reprinting of the 'Batalanda Report' is expected to achieve this objective. It is our political responsibility for the future of the country. We did it like this. You also fulfill your responsibility.

Nandana Weerarathne

March 2023

Colombo

(Nandana Weeraratne is the front-runner of the investigative team that reported on the 'tortures chamber at Batalanda ' to the Ravaya newspaper. He was a program producer for the BBC World Service from 1995-2001. He contributed reports and features to the newspapers 'Kamkaru Mawatha', 'Niyamuwa', 'Seenuwa', 'Gini Siluwa', 'Ravaya', 'Mawbima', 'Sath Hada' and Weekend Aruna (Sathiaga Aruna). He was also the first Sinhala war correspondent to report from the LTTE-controlled area.)